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By Daniel W. Drezner

Has globalization diluted the facility of nationwide governments to control their very own economies? Are foreign governmental and nongovernmental firms weakening the carry of geographical regions on worldwide regulatory agendas? Many observers imagine so. yet in All Politics Is Global, Daniel Drezner argues that this view is inaccurate. regardless of globalization, states--especially the good powers--still dominate foreign regulatory regimes, and the regulatory ambitions of states are pushed via their family interests.

As Drezner indicates, nation measurement nonetheless issues. the nice powers--the usa and the eu Union--remain the major gamers in writing worldwide laws, and their strength is because of the scale in their inner financial markets. in the event that they agree, there'll be potent international governance. in the event that they do not agree, governance could be fragmented or useless. And, mockingly, the main robust assets of great-power personal tastes are the least globalized parts in their economies.

Testing this revisionist version of worldwide regulatory governance on an strangely big choice of circumstances, together with the web, finance, genetically converted organisms, and highbrow estate rights, Drezner exhibits why there's such disparity within the energy of foreign regulations.

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39 One could argue that the stringency metric does not apply to purely technical standards to ensure the interoperability of goods and services across borders (such as the width of credit cards). While this is likely true in some cases, the discussion in part II shows that even technical standards require investment in compliance, with some candidate standards requiring more investment than others. 40 Mattli, “The Politics and Economics of International Institutional Standard Setting,” 332. 41 Christoph Knill, “Cross-National Policy Convergence: Causes, Approaches, and Explanatory Factors,” Journal of European Public Policy 12 (October 2005): 764–74; George Hoberg, “Globalization and Policy Convergence: Symposium Overview,” Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis 3 (August 2001): 127–32.

However, statists have fallen into the same trap, gleefully pointing out the vast areas of world politics where nonstate actors have minimal influence. Both sides tend to generalize from their most favorable cases. The model presented here suggests that states, particularly the great powers, remain the primary actors, but that they will rely on nonstate actors for certain functional purposes. At the same time, nonstate actors can, on occasion, jump-start regulatory agendas to advance their issues—even if the final outcome does not accord with their preferences.

10585, June 2004. ” Environmental and Resource Economics 21 (January 2002): 1–22. 60 Debora Spar, “Attracting High Technology Investment: Intel’s Costa Rican Plant,” FIAS Occasional Paper No. 11, World Bank, Washington, DC, April 1998; Cees Van Beers, “Labour Standards and Trade Flows of OECD Countries,” The World Economy 21 (January 1998): 57–73; Paul Q. Hirst and Grahame Thompson, Globalization in Question, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999); Ana Teresa Romero, “Labour Standards and Exports Processing Zones: Situation and Pressures for Change,” Development Policy Review 13 (1995): 247–76; Theodore Moran, Beyond Sweatshops: Foreign Direct Investment and Globalization in Developing Countries (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2002).

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